Exerpt from HIDDEN FROM HISTORY: The Canadian Holocaust
Published by The Truth Commission into Genocide in Canada, a public investigative body continuing the work of previous Tribunals into native residential schools:
The Justice in the Valley Coalition’s Inquiry into Crimes Against Aboriginal People, convened in Port Alberni, British Columbia on December 9, 1994, and The International Human Rights Association of American Minorities Tribunal into Canadian Residential Schools, held in Vancouver from June 12-14, 1998.
APPENDIX VI: Evidence of ongoing crimes against aboriginal children in British Columbia, including institutionalized pedophilia
In early November, 2000, the shocking appointment of Edward John, a suspected agent in the west coast child sex trade, to the BC provincial cabinet as Minister for Child and Family Services brought to light the extent of official protection for pedophiles in public office, and the systemic nature of this crime.
Termed “institutionalized pedophilia” by BC Supreme Court Justice Douglas Hogarth in his 1995 sentencing of Alberni residential school sex criminal Arthur Plint, the system to provide native children for sexual and sadistic purposes to powerful figures did not end with the closing of the last BC Indian residential school in 1984. Rather, it has become more covert and shielded from scrutiny by its operation through Indian reserves under the auspices of particular aboriginal leaders who apparently enjoy special protection from the federal government and senior judges in BC.
The first documented evidence of this native pedophile system appeared in April, 1994 when a native lawyer in Vancouver, Renate Auger, filed a writ in the BC Supreme Court which charged judges, lawyers, and officials of the Law Society with criminal acts including aiding and protecting pedophiles. Auger and her own lawyer, Jack Cram, claimed to have photographic evidence that at least two Supreme Court judges were engaged in pedophilia and were using their office to shelter other pedophiles who were preying on native children. Auger separately named the prestigious Vancouver Club as a major site for this criminal behaviour. (see Documents, Writ of Renate Auger dated 6 April, 1994, No. C941542).
Auger’s case was dismissed and she was quickly disbarred from the legal profession without any explanation or due process. While attempting to defend her, Renate’s lawyer, Jack Cram, was dragged from court by sheriffs, sedated against his will, and confined in a psychiatric hospital for over a week, during which time his office was ransacked and the evidence of judicial involvement in pedophilia disappeared. According to his former law partner, Elayne Crompton, “Jack was stomped on big time because he had the proof that could put away Supreme Court judges, and the powerful men they protect. This goes to the highest levels of power.” (Statement to Kevin Annett, Langley, BC, September 12, 1998)
Both Renate Auger and Jack Cram subsequently fled Vancouver under death threats, and they now live in hiding, respectively, in Saskatchewan and Princeton, British Columbia.
Separate accounts of a Vancouver Club-based native pedophile ring surfaced at the same time as Renate’s attempted lawsuit, in connection to the first public inquiry into Indian residential schools, in the fall of 1994 in Port Alberni, BC.
Justice in the Valley, a multi-racial coalition that organized this inquiry, documented for the first time testimonies of native survivors of the United Church residential school in Port Alberni during the latter part of 1994. In so doing, this coalition stumbled across evidence that present-day officials of the Nuu-Chah-Nulth Tribal Council are engaged with associates of Chief Edward John in drug trafficking on west coast Indian reserves, and in supplying native children to influential pedophiles at the aforementioned Vancouver Club.
According to two women elders of the local Tseshaht band, who gave their testimonies to members of the Justice in the Valley coalition on December 12, 1994, Edward John and Nuu-Chah-Nulth Tribal Council officers Ron Hamilton and Charlie Thompson have continually embezzled money from the Union of BC Indian Chiefs and the federal Department of Indian Affairs to finance an extensive drug trafficking and pedophile network.
“These Tribal Council guys are just like the mafia. They have a hell of a lot of protection from the RCMP and some pretty high-up judges. They deal the overseas narcotics that come in through the coastal reserves, and they use the same system to provide local kids for sex in Vancouver and Victoria. Our own Tseshaht band council chairman is a convicted child abuser who just got out of prison this year, but he resumed his position right away even though Indian Affairs regulations say that convicted felons aren’t allowed to serve on a band council. The government’s just looking the other way and letting these crooks run our reserves. We all live in terror of them because they can do whatever they want and no-one will ever touch them, even when they’re pimping our children to rich assholes at the Vancouver Club.” (Statement of “Sarah” to Kevin Annett and Krista Lynn, December 12, 1994, Port Alberni)
It isn’t only the government that “looks the other way” when it comes to pedophilia among native leaders. John Mayba, a non-native employee of the Nuu- Chah-Nulth Tribal Council’s child welfare department in Port Alberni, stated to his minister, Reverend Kevin Annett, in June of 1994,
“I never investigate allegations of sexual abuse when they point to chiefs or their families. Nobody wants to step on their toes. I’d lose my job if I ever checked out those complaints against the chiefs, and there are a lot of them.”
Nearly identical accounts of links between these very native officials and the Vancouver Club were shared by separate eyewitnesses during and after the Tribunal of the International Human Rights Association of American Minorities (IHRAAM) in June, 1998 in Vancouver. Frank Martin and Helen Michel, Harriett Nahanee, and four other aboriginal eyewitnesses corroborated the testimony of the Tseshaht elders to Tribunal judges, and provided even more details of the pedophile network.
Nahanee, who lives on the Squamish Indian Reserve in North Vancouver, told
members of a downtown healing circle in September, 1998,
“I saw two children down the road put into a white stretch limosine one night last week. My son
followed it and it took them to the back door of the Vancouver Club. The girl was ten and the boy was maybe eight. They were well-dressed and had make-up on, like they were made to look older.”
According to Nahanee, an aboriginal reporter named Noel had obtained interviews with some of the children who left the Vancouver Club at about three a.m. “sometime in the fall of 1997”, but within minutes he was overpowered by unknown assailants and his tape recorder was stolen.
As described earlier in this report, these aboriginal testimonies have also been attested to by non-native journalists and investigators. One of them, Leo Knight, was a reporter with The North Shore News and works as a private investigator. He told Kevin Annett in April, 1999,
“All I can say is that you are definitely on the right track. This kiddy sex ring involves top judges and other people you wouldn’t believe if I told you all their names. But I’m not going to because I don’t want to get killed.”
Frank Martin, a member of Ed John’s Carrier-Sekani Tribal Council, gave IHRAAM investigators the following statement in a closed videotaped interview on July 16, 1998 in Vancouver:
“Eddie John sponsors drug trafficking on northern reserves using Treaty Commission and Indian Affairs money. He’s the power up there. The only way for multinational corporations to make land deals is through him. But for Ed John to keep power he needs to manipulate drugs and the cops. He’s forced our family to surrender their trap lines to his family so that he could log off the land for his own timber company. Ed John even arranged to have my wife Helen’s cousin suffocated to get his trap line.
“When Helen and I complained about it, and about Ed John taking away our housing and giving it to his own relatives, at his Tribal Council meeting in Prince George in 1994, his private goon squad roughed us up. Eight of them surrounded our car and started beating us up. Cops like Jack Lasert of the RCMP just looked the other way and wouldn’t let us press charges.They were all working for Ed John.
“He’s behind the disappearance of ten virgin girls from Moricetown. They were brought down for prostitution to two houses in Seattle and Vancouver. Helen’s own nephew Phillip was kidnapped in the Alcan area and used in that pedophile ring. The Vancouver Club uses mostly little boys, since a majority of our leaders are faggots. Men like Edwin Newman and Cecil Reid from Bella Bella; they’re all pedophiles, and they all work for Ed John.”
Ed John’s political power is attested to by the legal counsel who act for him, like federal lawyer and APEC Inquiry legal counsel Marvin Storrow.
After an article reporting the allegations against John appeared in a small newspaper in Quesnel, BC in September, 1999, Marvin Storrow of Blake, Cassels and Graydon Law firm of Vancouver wrote to the newspaper and the article’s author, Kevin Annett, and threatened a lawsuit against them unless the story was retracted. Neither the newspaper, The Radical, nor Kevin Annett retracted the story, since it was based on public testimony. Annett demanded in writing that Storrow “cease from impeding a public inquiry into pedophilia in British Columbia”. Storrow then never followed through on his threat to sue on behalf of John.
The same Edward John, an unelected private citizen, was appointed by Premier Ujjal Dosanjh to the BC provincial cabinet as Minister for Child and Family Services on November 3, 2000, despite this evidence of John’s involvement in pedophilia and other crimes – evidence which Premier Dosanjh was well aware of when he appointed John. For both Dosanjh, as former Attorney-General for BC, and Ed John were subpoenaed by the IHRAAM Tribunal on May 22, 1998 to answer charges of crimes against native people, and both men refused to obey this U.N. Summons. When asked in writing to investigate the allegations against Ed John by the IHRAAM Tribunal on June 20, 1998, Dosanjh refused to launch such an inquiry into Ed John and the growing evidence of native-run pedophile rings in BC.
Dosanjh’s protection of a suspected agent in pedophilia, and his elevating him to the cabinet portfolio for children (!), seems to be a standard practice within Dosanjh’s former Ministry of the Attorney-General. Doug Stead, founder of Entrepreneurs Against Pedophiles, began to investigate the judicial and political protection offered known pedophiles in BC in 1994. Stead established that the BC Attorney-General’s Office under Ujjal Dosanjh continually and openly exonerated notorious pedophiles, like John Robin Sharpe, who publicly advocates legalizing child pornography, and Dr. William Gossich, who was charged with twenty-two counts of sexually molesting children in 1994 and yet never prosecuted.
“Gossich got off on the recommendation of a special prosecutor appointed by Attorney-General Dosanjh, Peter Leask. But Leask had just served as the defense lawyer for William Benest, a convicted pedophile. So we weren’t surprised when Leask exonerated Gossich.” (Statement of Doug Stead to Kevin Annett, New Westminster, BC, February 14, 1999).
In addition, the judge in the Gossich case, Justice William Esson, was accused by several Vancouver-area newspapers of “protecting” Gossich during his trial when Esson banned reporting of the case and allowed the facts of the twenty-two separate charges against him to remain concealed. Justice Esson was one of the judges named in Renate Auger’s lawsuit of the same year as a suspected accomplice in a Vancouver pedophile ring. (see The Province and The Vancouver Sun, Feb. 11, 1994, and The Royal City Record, Oct. 26, 1994).
Under revisions to the legal principles governing the International Criminal Court of the United Nations, crimes of sexual violence, rape, and pedophilia are now considered to constitute Crimes Against Humanity. These very crimes are continuing to be perpetrated in British Columbia at the highest levels of power, with informal protection from politicians, judges, police, and officials of churches and aboriginal organizations. And since, in classic colonial fashion, it is the Attorney-General’s office, and thereby the executive branch of the provincial government, which is responsible for laying criminal charges in British Columbia, instead of the police themselves, it is unlikely that the very department which is aiding and abetting pedophilia will investigate or prosecute itself, or those wealthy criminals it is protecting.
As in any closed society, justice in Canada must be imposed from without.