Evidence of ongoing crimes against aboriginal children in British Columbia, including institutionalized pedophilia

Exerpt from HIDDEN FROM HISTORY: The Canadian Holocaust

Published by The Truth Commission into Genocide in Canada, a public investigative body continuing the work of previous Tribunals into native residential schools:
The Justice in the Valley Coalition’s Inquiry into Crimes Against Aboriginal People, convened in Port Alberni, British Columbia on December 9, 1994, and The International Human Rights Association of American Minorities Tribunal into Canadian Residential Schools, held in Vancouver from June 12-14, 1998.


APPENDIX VI: Evidence of ongoing crimes against aboriginal children in British Columbia, including institutionalized pedophilia

In early November, 2000, the shocking appointment of Edward John, a suspected agent in the west coast child sex trade, to the BC provincial cabinet as Minister for Child and Family Services brought to light the extent of official protection for pedophiles in public office, and the systemic nature of this crime.

Termed “institutionalized pedophilia” by BC Supreme Court Justice Douglas Hogarth in his 1995 sentencing of Alberni residential school sex criminal Arthur Plint, the system to provide native children for sexual and sadistic purposes to powerful figures did not end with the closing of the last BC Indian residential school in 1984. Rather, it has become more covert and shielded from scrutiny by its operation through Indian reserves under the auspices of particular aboriginal leaders who apparently enjoy special protection from the federal government and senior judges in BC.

The first documented evidence of this native pedophile system appeared in April, 1994 when a native lawyer in Vancouver, Renate Auger, filed a writ in the BC Supreme Court which charged judges, lawyers, and officials of the Law Society with criminal acts including aiding and protecting pedophiles. Auger and her own lawyer, Jack Cram, claimed to have photographic evidence that at least two Supreme Court judges were engaged in pedophilia and were using their office to shelter other pedophiles who were preying on native children. Auger separately named the prestigious Vancouver Club as a major site for this criminal behaviour. (see Documents, Writ of Renate Auger dated 6 April, 1994, No. C941542).

Auger’s case was dismissed and she was quickly disbarred from the legal profession without any explanation or due process. While attempting to defend her, Renate’s lawyer, Jack Cram, was dragged from court by sheriffs, sedated against his will, and confined in a psychiatric hospital for over a week, during which time his office was ransacked and the evidence of judicial involvement in pedophilia disappeared. According to his former law partner, Elayne Crompton, “Jack was stomped on big time because he had the proof that could put away Supreme Court judges, and the powerful men they protect. This goes to the highest levels of power.” (Statement to Kevin Annett, Langley, BC, September 12, 1998)

Both Renate Auger and Jack Cram subsequently fled Vancouver under death threats, and they now live in hiding, respectively, in Saskatchewan and Princeton, British Columbia.

Separate accounts of a Vancouver Club-based native pedophile ring surfaced at the same time as Renate’s attempted lawsuit, in connection to the first public inquiry into Indian residential schools, in the fall of 1994 in Port Alberni, BC.


Justice in the Valley, a multi-racial coalition that organized this inquiry, documented for the first time testimonies of native survivors of the United Church residential school in Port Alberni during the latter part of 1994. In so doing, this coalition stumbled across evidence that present-day officials of the Nuu-Chah-Nulth Tribal Council are engaged with associates of Chief Edward John in drug trafficking on west coast Indian reserves, and in supplying native children to influential pedophiles at the aforementioned Vancouver Club.

According to two women elders of the local Tseshaht band, who gave their testimonies to members of the Justice in the Valley coalition on December 12, 1994, Edward John and Nuu-Chah-Nulth Tribal Council officers Ron Hamilton and Charlie Thompson have continually embezzled money from the Union of BC Indian Chiefs and the federal Department of Indian Affairs to finance an extensive drug trafficking and pedophile network.

“These Tribal Council guys are just like the mafia. They have a hell of a lot of protection from the RCMP and some pretty high-up judges. They deal the overseas narcotics that come in through the coastal reserves, and they use the same system to provide local kids for sex in Vancouver and Victoria. Our own Tseshaht band council chairman is a convicted child abuser who just got out of prison this year, but he resumed his position right away even though Indian Affairs regulations say that convicted felons aren’t allowed to serve on a band council. The government’s just looking the other way and letting these crooks run our reserves. We all live in terror of them because they can do whatever they want and no-one will ever touch them, even when they’re pimping our children to rich assholes at the Vancouver Club.” (Statement of “Sarah” to Kevin Annett and Krista Lynn, December 12, 1994, Port Alberni)

It isn’t only the government that “looks the other way” when it comes to pedophilia among native leaders. John Mayba, a non-native employee of the Nuu- Chah-Nulth Tribal Council’s child welfare department in Port Alberni, stated to his minister, Reverend Kevin Annett, in June of 1994,

“I never investigate allegations of sexual abuse when they point to chiefs or their families. Nobody wants to step on their toes. I’d lose my job if I ever checked out those complaints against the chiefs, and there are a lot of them.”

Nearly identical accounts of links between these very native officials and the Vancouver Club were shared by separate eyewitnesses during and after the Tribunal of the International Human Rights Association of American Minorities (IHRAAM) in June, 1998 in Vancouver. Frank Martin and Helen Michel, Harriett Nahanee, and four other aboriginal eyewitnesses corroborated the testimony of the Tseshaht elders to Tribunal judges, and provided even more details of the pedophile network.

Nahanee, who lives on the Squamish Indian Reserve in North Vancouver, told

members of a downtown healing circle in September, 1998,
“I saw two children down the road put into a white stretch limosine one night last week. My son

followed it and it took them to the back door of the Vancouver Club. The girl was ten and the boy was maybe eight. They were well-dressed and had make-up on, like they were made to look older.”


According to Nahanee, an aboriginal reporter named Noel had obtained interviews with some of the children who left the Vancouver Club at about three a.m. “sometime in the fall of 1997”, but within minutes he was overpowered by unknown assailants and his tape recorder was stolen.

As described earlier in this report, these aboriginal testimonies have also been attested to by non-native journalists and investigators. One of them, Leo Knight, was a reporter with The North Shore News and works as a private investigator. He told Kevin Annett in April, 1999,

“All I can say is that you are definitely on the right track. This kiddy sex ring involves top judges and other people you wouldn’t believe if I told you all their names. But I’m not going to because I don’t want to get killed.”

Frank Martin, a member of Ed John’s Carrier-Sekani Tribal Council, gave IHRAAM investigators the following statement in a closed videotaped interview on July 16, 1998 in Vancouver:

“Eddie John sponsors drug trafficking on northern reserves using Treaty Commission and Indian Affairs money. He’s the power up there. The only way for multinational corporations to make land deals is through him. But for Ed John to keep power he needs to manipulate drugs and the cops. He’s forced our family to surrender their trap lines to his family so that he could log off the land for his own timber company. Ed John even arranged to have my wife Helen’s cousin suffocated to get his trap line.

“When Helen and I complained about it, and about Ed John taking away our housing and giving it to his own relatives, at his Tribal Council meeting in Prince George in 1994, his private goon squad roughed us up. Eight of them surrounded our car and started beating us up. Cops like Jack Lasert of the RCMP just looked the other way and wouldn’t let us press charges.They were all working for Ed John.

“He’s behind the disappearance of ten virgin girls from Moricetown. They were brought down for prostitution to two houses in Seattle and Vancouver. Helen’s own nephew Phillip was kidnapped in the Alcan area and used in that pedophile ring. The Vancouver Club uses mostly little boys, since a majority of our leaders are faggots. Men like Edwin Newman and Cecil Reid from Bella Bella; they’re all pedophiles, and they all work for Ed John.”

Ed John’s political power is attested to by the legal counsel who act for him, like federal lawyer and APEC Inquiry legal counsel Marvin Storrow.

After an article reporting the allegations against John appeared in a small newspaper in Quesnel, BC in September, 1999, Marvin Storrow of Blake, Cassels and Graydon Law firm of Vancouver wrote to the newspaper and the article’s author, Kevin Annett, and threatened a lawsuit against them unless the story was retracted. Neither the newspaper, The Radical, nor Kevin Annett retracted the story, since it was based on public testimony. Annett demanded in writing that Storrow “cease from impeding a public inquiry into pedophilia in British Columbia”. Storrow then never followed through on his threat to sue on behalf of John.


The same Edward John, an unelected private citizen, was appointed by Premier Ujjal Dosanjh to the BC provincial cabinet as Minister for Child and Family Services on November 3, 2000, despite this evidence of John’s involvement in pedophilia and other crimes – evidence which Premier Dosanjh was well aware of when he appointed John. For both Dosanjh, as former Attorney-General for BC, and Ed John were subpoenaed by the IHRAAM Tribunal on May 22, 1998 to answer charges of crimes against native people, and both men refused to obey this U.N. Summons. When asked in writing to investigate the allegations against Ed John by the IHRAAM Tribunal on June 20, 1998, Dosanjh refused to launch such an inquiry into Ed John and the growing evidence of native-run pedophile rings in BC.

Dosanjh’s protection of a suspected agent in pedophilia, and his elevating him to the cabinet portfolio for children (!), seems to be a standard practice within Dosanjh’s former Ministry of the Attorney-General. Doug Stead, founder of Entrepreneurs Against Pedophiles, began to investigate the judicial and political protection offered known pedophiles in BC in 1994. Stead established that the BC Attorney-General’s Office under Ujjal Dosanjh continually and openly exonerated notorious pedophiles, like John Robin Sharpe, who publicly advocates legalizing child pornography, and Dr. William Gossich, who was charged with twenty-two counts of sexually molesting children in 1994 and yet never prosecuted.

“Gossich got off on the recommendation of a special prosecutor appointed by Attorney-General Dosanjh, Peter Leask. But Leask had just served as the defense lawyer for William Benest, a convicted pedophile. So we weren’t surprised when Leask exonerated Gossich.” (Statement of Doug Stead to Kevin Annett, New Westminster, BC, February 14, 1999).

In addition, the judge in the Gossich case, Justice William Esson, was accused by several Vancouver-area newspapers of “protecting” Gossich during his trial when Esson banned reporting of the case and allowed the facts of the twenty-two separate charges against him to remain concealed. Justice Esson was one of the judges named in Renate Auger’s lawsuit of the same year as a suspected accomplice in a Vancouver pedophile ring. (see The Province and The Vancouver Sun, Feb. 11, 1994, and The Royal City Record, Oct. 26, 1994).

Under revisions to the legal principles governing the International Criminal Court of the United Nations, crimes of sexual violence, rape, and pedophilia are now considered to constitute Crimes Against Humanity. These very crimes are continuing to be perpetrated in British Columbia at the highest levels of power, with informal protection from politicians, judges, police, and officials of churches and aboriginal organizations. And since, in classic colonial fashion, it is the Attorney-General’s office, and thereby the executive branch of the provincial government, which is responsible for laying criminal charges in British Columbia, instead of the police themselves, it is unlikely that the very department which is aiding and abetting pedophilia will investigate or prosecute itself, or those wealthy criminals it is protecting.


As in any closed society, justice in Canada must be imposed from without.

INAC Minister Confronted at MMIW Rally

Justin Trudeau’s Liberal government is seeking a judicial review of a ruling that ordered Canada to pay $40,000 to First Nations children who were taken from their homes on-reserve and put in care dating back to 2006.

The application was filed in Federal Court Friday. The Canadian Human Rights Tribunal found Canada guilty of willfully underfunding on-reserve child welfare and ordered each child be paid $40,000, a settlement that could amount to billions of dollars. Parents or guardians could also be eligible for payments.

The ruling followed the tribunal’s historic decision on Jan. 26, 2016 that first found Canada guilty of purposely discriminating against First Nations children. The government said in its appeal it wants the court to set aside the tribunal’s ruling for compensation or send it back to the tribunal to be reconsidered.

“Canada acknowledges the finding of systemic discrimination and does not oppose the general principle that compensation to First Nations individuals affected by a discriminatory funding model can be made in appropriate circumstances,” wrote Canada.

Cindy Blackstock says it’s another example of the government not owning up to its mistakes. “I think that is another sign that they are not accepting responsibility for their own behaviour,” said Blackstock, who is the executive director of the First Nations Child and Family Caring Society, which first launched the complaint at the tribunal more than a decade ago along with the Assembly of First Nations.

It took the Trudeau government more than two years to act on the tribunal’s initial order to increase funding. A recent APTN News investigation found that 48 Indigenous children–mostly First Nations–connected to Indigenous child welfare agencies in Ontario died during that time. In fact, over a five-year period between 2013-2017, 72 Indigenous kids connected to child welfare died in northern Ontario, where three Indigenous agencies covering most of the territory were underfunded by the federal government approximately $400 million in that same period.

The number of deaths jumps to 102 Indigenous children when looking at the entire province between 2013 to 2017. Read More: Death as Expected: Inside a child welfare system where 102 Indigenous kids died over 5 years ‘Wilfully and recklessly’: Human rights tribunal awards compensation for First Nation children in care “What they need to do is comply with the order, stop fighting us in court and do the right thing for these kids and their families,” said Blackstock.

Indigenous Services Minister Seamus O’Regan said the government wants the tribunal stayed until after the election. “The recent ruling from the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal is significant and raises important questions and considerations such as who is to be compensated and the role of the tribunal,” O’Regan said in a statement Friday. “In order to give us both clarity on the ruling and time to have these conversations with our partners, which are not possible during an election, we are seeking a judicial review and stay.

“We agree with many of the findings of the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal including the recognition of discrimination and mistreatment and the need for compensation,” he added. However, Blackstock questions why the feds are first asking for the tribunal’s order to be overturned. “Why even ask for that if you agree there should be compensation?” she said.

The Chiefs of Ontario, one of the interested parties in the proceedings at the tribunal, chastised the Liberals for the decision to appeal. “Canada says that it accepts there was discrimination against First Nations children and accepts that there should be compensation. But yet it also says this is not the appropriate forum to get that compensation,” said Grand Chief Joel Abram in a statement released Friday.

“Canada is saying we need to negotiate. We have been trying to negotiate about compensation for these children since 2016, and we never get responses. It is a frustrating situation, and meanwhile families are still waiting for justice.” Conservative leader Andrew Scheer has already said he wanted the order judicially reviewed, while both Green leader Elizabeth May and NDP leader Jagmeet Singh said they would honour the tribunal’s order.

Union of Ontario Indians helped Extinguish Indigenous Title in Bear Island Case






The Temagami First Nation is located on Bear Island in the heart of Lake Temagami. The island is the second largest in Lake Temagami after Temagami Island. Its community is known as Bear Island 1. Temagami First Nation (TFN) members are status Indians under the Indian Act that live on and off Bear Island.

The Teme-Augama Anishnabai have utilized the Temagami region for over 9,000 years.  Lake Temagami was free of glacial ice at about 12,150 cal B.P. There is scientific evidence that the Three Pines site, located at Sand Point on the hub of Lake Temagami near Bear Island, could have been occupied after 7,500 B.P

The Teme-Augama Anishnabai built homes on Bear Island in the 1880s in addition to homes on their own family lands. In 1943, Bear Island was purchased by the Department of Indian Affairs from the Province of Ontario, for the sum of $3,000.00, in order to be designated as a permanent reserve.

The Teme-Augama Anishnabai refused to accept Bear Island as a reserve until they were denied housing subsidy funds in 1968 until it was agreed, under duress, that Bear Island would become an official Reserve in accordance with the Indian Act of Canada.

Official reserve status was granted in 1971 and the establishment of the Band Office occurred shortly after in the former Department of Lands and Forests building which had been constructed in approximately 1903.

In 1973, Chief Gary Potts of the Temagami Indian Band registered a land caution against The Crown, in Ontario, to stop development on the traditional territory of 10,000 square kilometres, which had been appropriated as Crown land. The Attorney-General of Ontario pursued legal action against the Band for this caution. While the Teme-Augama Anishnabai lost this court case in 1984, the Band proceeded with an appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada where in 1991 it was adjudicated that the Crown had breached its fiduciary obligations to the Teme-Augama Anishnabai and adhered the Band to the 1850 Robinson Huron Treaty.

In 1988, the Ontario Minister of Natural Resources, Vince Kerrio, approved the expansion of the Red Squirrel logging road, directly through disputed territory. This prompted a series of roadblocks by the TAA in 1988-1989. Environmentalists and allies provided strong and continued public support.

In (Attorney General) v. Bear Island Foundation, [1984 ] , Ontario Court of Appeal 1989, Supreme Court of Canada 1991 there are major issues of Fraud.

The Union of Ontario Indians in this case intervened on behalf the Teme-Augama Anishnabai in doing so helped extinguish Teme-Augama Anishnabai Indigenous Title to their Territory.

This Case also justified the use of the Doctrine of Discovery. The Lawyers for the UOI and Teme-Augama Anishnabai did not include known evidence to back up their arguments such as Mohegan Indians v. Connecticut Order in Council (U.K) OF MARCH 1704, 1740, 1773 which orders any land disputes to be settled in a third party judiciary where Canada is not in a Conflict of Interest. A Constitutional Challenge was also not a position taken in this case in which Canada has no Constitution.

This Case set a precedent and is being used across Canada to extinguish Indigenous Title to other Territories of other Nations. This Case needs to be adressed for its major issues of Fraud. All those involved in this case on both sides are guilty of Fraud, Misprison of Treason and Complicity of Genocide via Constitutional and International law.

Today the Union of Ontario Indians’ Restoration of Jurisdiction, it’s proposed Constitution, the Anishinabek Education System and individual Band Constitutions and First Nations Lands Management Act all fall under Canada’s Self Government Policy that further extinguishes our Inherent Rights, Title and Jurisdiction; demoting us as a 4th Level Government under Federal and Provincial jurisdiction under their fraudulent BNA Act/Constitution Act. Canada’s Bill C86 passed in December 2018 where for any issues that need community consent it is 25%+1 that means 5 people show up at a band meeting to vote on issues 3 ppl can decide or extinguish all and our future generations inherit rights

The Union of Ontario Indians is an Indian Act political organization representing 40 “First Nations” under Canada’s illegal Indian Act. The Union of Ontario Indians claims to be a secretariat for the “Anishinabek” Nation in which is incorporated under another Nations Law.


Wednesday, August 21, 2019


(MIDLAND ON) An Indigenous Activist, John Hawke from Chimnissing Anishinabek Territory (Beausoleil First Nation) will bring forth a notice of a Constituional Question to an Ontario Provincial Court on Thursday August 22, 2019.

Hawke initiated a 5 week Blockade at the main entrance of Ontario’s Awenda Provincial Park on June 21, 2019 and was arrested on July 26 for allegedly uttering threats to the Park Warden. Hawke says he was only warning the Park Warden about issues surrounding the Ipperwash Inquiry where an unarmed Indigenous Activist was shot by Ontario Provincial Police and how Government Officials played a role in sending in force.

“ I was informing the Warden of the circumstances of how the Commanding Officer of the OPP at Ipperwash Incident and the officer who killed Dudley George coincindetaly died right before they were to testify at the Ipperwash Inquiry in which they would’ve pointed the finger at certain Government Officials. I was warning the Park Warden to be careful on orders he may be given by his superiors in regards to the blockade and our right to the land.” say Hawke

Hawke and 5 other Community members of Beausoleil First Nation in 2012 constructed a log cabin in the park next to a large granite rock known as Council Rock which has Clan Markings which is linked to the 1798 Penetanguishene Purchase Crown Treaty number 5. Hawke’s actions have been to oppose land claim settlements that extinguish Indigenous Title to his Clan’s Traditional Territory and to create awarneess of the outstanding issue involving the 1798 Penetanguishene Purchase where Chippewas of Lake Simcoe and Huron only surrendered lands in Penetang Harbor to the Crown. Awenda Provincial Park currently sits in the lands in question.

“In these Land Claim Settlement Agreements we are to purchase back stolen lands with our compensation in which there is much Crown lands that can be handed back over to us without purchasing which is our lands anyways.” Says Hawke

The position that Hawke is taking is one that has been very rarely used in the country. Other Indigneous Activists have used this argument and had their charges withdrawn due the position they have taken on unsurrendered Indian Lands. Hawke will not be addressing the charge but on Constitutional and International Law objects to the assumption of jurisdiction by the Ontario Provincial Court of Ontario, the Ontario Provincial Police and the Indian Act Beausoleil Band Council in usurpation of jurisdiction of the Chippewa Clans of the Amik Council Fire by bringing up a Constitutional Question.

Hawke relies on a number of evidence to support his objection such as Mohegan Indians v Connecticut 1704; Attorney General v Bear Island Foundation 1984, Canada a Country without a Constitution: A Factual examination of the Constitutional Problem Walter F Kuhl Member or Parliament Jasper-Edison 1935, and the 1798 Preconfederation Crown Treaty number 5.

For More Information Contact
Johnny Hawke 705 345- 2490 ojibwayrebel@gmail.com

Awenda Park – Park Intentions

Johnny Hawke
620 Awenda Park Rd
Amik Council Fire
705 529 5653

Beausoleil First Nation
Chief and Council
11 Ogema Miikaan
Christian Island, ON L9M 0A9
705 247 2120

Mike Armstrong
Awenda Park Superintendent
620 Concession 18 East
Tiny On P.O Box 5004, L9M 2G2
705 549 2231

Monday July 8, 2019

Re: Amik Council Fire’s Intentions in Awenda Provincial Park

I am writing you today to formally make first contact and summarize the history and
intentions of the Anishinabek Sovereignty Encampments that have reoccupied
traditional territory of the Wendat and Chippewas of Lake Huron and Simcoe that
Ontario’s Awenda Provincial Park has been caring for and managing since 1975.
After the 1600 Beaver Wars between the Haudenosaunee, Wendat, Anishinabek
influenced by European colonists our Confederacy’s developed a series of peace and
alliance treaties through Wampum Belts. These Agreements known as the Dish with
One Spoon, Ojibway Friendship Belt, 1701 Great Peace of Montreal, Western Great
Lakes Confederacy Belt established an alliance and resolved territorial issues among
our Nations where 5 Anishinabek Council Fires were affirmed and acknowledged.
These Council Fires stretch from what is known today as the Credit River to Sault Ste
Marie where this area is one of those Council Fires known as the Amik Council Fire.

The 1795 Penetanguishene Purchase where the British Crown wanted access to
Georgian Bay petitioned 5 Clan Chiefs for use of Penetang Bay for military use. This
Agreement evident through oral history, historical documents and etchings on a large
granite rock located in the park inform that the lands in question including a plot of
land where the current CNCC and Waypoint were lands not to be ceded within Crown
Treaty Number 5.

Three members of Beausoleil First Nation who self identify and assert themselves by
their Clans have been occupying lands in the park have constructed a cabin and
hosted gatherings since 2012 and have not been removed by the Park. The current
encampment that has shut off access to the main entrance of the park is under the
same collective and is working with and taking direction from a Clan Mother, Elizabeth
Brass Elson who is working with 13 other Clan Mothers and a grassroots working
group of Beausoleil First Nation Members.

In Assertion of Anishinabek Title and Jurisdiction through our Clan System the One
Dish One Spoon Treaty, Ojibway Friendship Belt, 1701 Great Peace of Montreal, 1704
Queen Anne’s Constitutional Order regarding Mohegan Tribe vs Connecticut, 1763
Royal Proclamation, 1764 Niagara Covenant Chain Belt declare our intentions of
currently holding ground at our current encampment are to:

– Holding Ground and Creating a Respectable Presence in current Encampment
– Organize Family heads to reestablish Traditional Clan Governance System and Amik
Council Fire

– Provide Educational Workshops, Healing Circles, Gatherings and Ceremonies
– Establishing an immediate Working Relationship with the Park Authorities and

– Taking Steps to develop a Partnership Agreement between the Park, Province and
rightful Title Holders represented by the Amik Council Fire

– Construction of a Cultural Centre/Governance Lodge

– Transferring Title of Lands in question back to Amik Council Fire

– Organizing against Federal Policies and Land Claim Settlements that breach said
Fundamental Nation to Nation Agreements that are extinguishing our Inherit Rights
and Indigenous Title to our Traditional Territories.

We are asking that you respect our space of our current encampments and in the spirit
of such Nation to Nation agreements and reconciliation extend a hand out in peace to
work together to address such historic injustice and our intentions. We have
documentation and research of our position of the lands in question that has the
potential to open up an issue of a much larger scale regarding the validity of such
Pre Confederation Treaties.

Michael Swinwood a well established Lawyer devoted to Indigenous Sovereignty, Title
and Inherit Rights is now representing us and we have support from a growing number
of Indigenous and Settler Communities. We will contact Park Representatives when we
are ready to sit and discuss further steps.


In the Spirit of a Nation to Nation Relationship,
Kaikaikons, Amik Dodem
(Johnny Hawk)

Reclamation of Amik Council Fire Territory

474907_10150820771174938_312621189_oA reclamation of Traditional Anishinabe Territory of the Amik Council Fire last represented by Hereditary Clan Cheif’s Aisance, Chabondashea, Wabenenguan, Ningawson and Omassanahsqutawah that is currently occupied by Ontario’s Awenda Provincial Park.

Amik Council Fire is one of 5 Anishinabek Clan Council Fires that stretch from Bawating, Manitoulin Island, Penetanguishene, Lake Simcoe and Credit River acknowledged within the Ojibway and Haudenasaunee Alliance Wampum Belt.

The Penetanguishene Bay Purchase registered as Crown Treaty Number Five May 22, 1798 surrendered Anishinabek lands for military purposes around Penetang and Matchdash Bay but did not include Chief Aisance’s Clan’s Gardens and these Specific Lands explained by Elders of Beausoleil First Nation and demonstrated by Council Rock a marker on the lands in question.

This Reclamation is also a Statement to oppose the Williams Treaty Settlement Agreement where 7 Indian Act Band Councils surrendered Indigenous Title to 13 Million Acres of Traditional Clan Territories which they have no authority to do as title to territory belongs to the future generations. This action also serves as a space for a Grassroots Reemergence of Traditional Community Clan Governance to hold Indian Act Councils accountable and to organize and oppose Federal Policies and Self Government Agreements that are extinguishing our Inherit Rights.

All other Indigenous Land Defenders, Water Protectors and Allies Welcome. Need Support especially at night. Lets Organize our Resistance and Remergence


670 Awenda Park Rd, Tiny, ON L9M 2J2

Look for Signs and Flags


Johnny Hawke 705 529 5653