By Kaikaikons (Johnny Hawk)

Filmmaker Michelle Latimer is photographed in Toronto, on Wednesday, August 19, 2020. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Chris Young

The Winter Solstice customarily introduces the time of year where Anishinaabe have always spent the winter isolated in our lodges sharing, learning and self reflecting on our Aatisokaanak (sacred stories and knowledge, family histories and tribal connections) where it is very fitting that this year’s Solstice began by lighting our collective sacred fire of storytelling which has focussed on one prominent storyteller in the Indigenous Filmmaking community who has engaged with the Spirit of the “Trickster.”

The concept and word “Trickster” coined by Eurocentric anthropologist’s minimizes many Indigenous People’s knowledge and interconnection with a very real ancestral entity which is also not the same Ancestor being for all Peoples. The use of this term creates a vague pan-Indian archetype that opens up one of our most sacred institutions for misappropriation that has been also assimilated by separating spiritual and physical realities of limiting our Aatisokaanak as “myth” and folklore.

For Anishinaabe our Grandfather Nanabozho, the fourth and youngest son of Winona and the West-wind who at times loved to play tricks has also brought the Anishinaabemany gifts that has made us our own distinct People. Many of our communities have their own stories of Grandfather which shows He is without an identity crisis and is more than a character of fiction and where even in our stories a key element is to know where the stories themselves come from.

As the storytelling season began where many have been self isolating in our lodges gathered around the virtual community fire, a CBC investigative piece published on Dec 17 shined a light on acclaimed film director Michelle Latimer. Latimer lauded for two high-profile Indigenous productions this year which includes CBC’s television series Trickster and the documentary Inconvenient Indian has been called out for her long-standing claim of Indigenous identity.

There are many articles and ramblings all over social media on this but what I am sharing here in the spirit of Nanaboozho is to hold a mirror up on the People rather than the “trickster figure” and to poke at the phenomenon of cancel culture and political correctness that has consumed our circles which can most times creates an unbalance as we pursue accountability.

Contrary Lives Don’t Matter

Phillip Meshekey a Kanienkeha:ka/Anishinaabe, Father, Writer, Speaker, Artist, Poet from Waganakasing Odawa in Northern Michigan who lives in Northern California has had experiences where his art was misappropriated by one of Latimer’s productions.

Left to Right: Phillip Meshekey and John Trudell at one of many performances where they shared a stage

Meshekey says he recorded his Uncle Desi Dillon singing an Anishinaabe Ceremonial Song which was used without permission in Latimer’s critically-acclaimed Viceland series “Rise,” which follows indigenous movements of resistance across the Americas.

“This is the same Michelle Latimer who used my recording of Moniidoo Mukwa without permission. She even had the audacity to use the song clip in a scene where some Apache People are celebrating 4th of YouLie (July 4th). When I confronted her she attempted to side step me by basically saying, We are all Native, and we share everything.” Says Meshekey.

Meshekey say’s his recording was first misappropriated by another Indigenous Artist located in Winnipeg Manitoba named“Boogey the Beat” where Latimer got the rights from to use it where Boogey the Beat sampled Meshekey’s ceremonial song and found it online and used it without permission. Latimer found Boogey’s version online and got the rights from Boogey and used it in Rise. Meshekey says he approached Latimer where he says he felt still disrespected as the song was an obvious Anishinaabe song and used to celebrate Apache’s celebrating a colonial holiday which goes against the message of his art. The use by Latimer of this sacred Anishinaabe Ceremony Song with Anishinaabe Language over clips of Apache Vets celebrating July 4th uses the Anishinaabe Song in a very Pan Indian way which demonstrates an insensitivity of culture and any “Indian song” fits any Indigenous backdrop.

“ I was being super respectful but then Latimer attempts to take no responsibility, passing it off on the artist boogey the beat.” Says Meshekey who has always been vocal in calling injustices and questioning many things in various Indigenous Circles. He also speaks on the frustrations of not being heard and validated when doing so in relation to Latimer recently being called out by CBC.

“ It’s about time. Mark my words though, because now it’s gonna be popular to call out these
bastards even though us Nobody Windigokaan been calling out these fakes and Hollyweird for a long time. All we ever got was being called haters for trying to expose the crooked.” Says Meshekey. Phillip has been a performer in the Tribal Voice art form for over 10 years and has performed on many stages and alongside many well known voices such as John Trudell.

Phillip and his Uncle Desi are of the Anishinaabe Windigokaan, a Society of “Contraries” inwhich most Indigenous Nations have their distinct version and is akin to the so called “trickster figure.”


Trickster and Inconvenient Indian director Michelle Latimer poses on top of a condo rooftop in Toronto. Now Magazine. Photo Samuel Engelking

Our Movements been Hijacked for a while; being directed by and benefiting “white folk”. Political Correctness and Cancel Culture plays its part to allow this. “Lateral Silence” has everyone afraid to question and call things as they see it. Our Movements have been hijacked for a long time which is why I don’t trust many existing ones where our unbalance partly created by political correctness opens us up and allows such things to happen.

One issue many of us on the bottom of the societal totem pole recognize is when we call-out Injustices and hold those accountable in positions of privileged we are accused of lateral violence or being divisive for legitimate concerns. This past year I’ve witnessed others and also have experienced myself issues within the “Resistance” Movement where those of us who’ve been mistreated and experienced injustice within our own circles have demanded accountability from prominent activists and camps, spiritual people and even band politicians and councils for legitimate valid concerns but are belittled for speaking out.

The Supporters of these celebrity type activists, artists and people with platforms who are well known become like fan clubs who defend their hero’s and give them a pass and belittle those who are seeking accountability and calling out abusive behavior. Those who were victimized are revictimized where call-out culture within our circles has created an unbalance.

This past August 17 Metis Actress, Rosanne Supernault in an APTN interview addressed the lateral violence in what she describes as the “toxic Indigenous entertainment world” as she spoke on her experience in speaking out against her treatment by a member of a Tribe Called Red. and seeking accountability.

Those in privileged positions and their supporters create a sort of popularity cool kids clubs where calling someone out most times is only validated by people with such popularity, platforms or if you’re in the mainstream media. Elitist Circles exist in Academia, Arts Activism, Politics and even Spirituality across “Indian Country” and those on top most times seem to get protected or its taboo to call them out for their behaviors.

For a while our own People on the grassroots level were questioning people like Joseph Boyden and Michelle Latimer where political correctness labels those of us as being divisive for questioning concerns yet when mainstream media investigates and raises the same questions our people are quick to co-sign on those concerns coming from those arena’s. It took “whiteman’s” media for our people to make noise on this issue yet when our people on the ground make noise they get blacklisted and shamed.

Lateral Violence is also being misused by those who are actually engaging in this behavior and accuse their victims of this to gaslight and get the attention off of them.

Even our distinct Sacred Stories and societies are being hijacked and manipulated to assimilate us, Christianity to this overly passive ideologies can be seen influencing our Aatisokaanak. Most of our own Aatisokaankan spoken in our language if most understood would be considered Politically Incorrect and I wonder if Nanabush returned to help our People today I bet most would chase him away for being lateral violent for helping us look at ourselves. It’s easier to blame and point fingers at the “trickster” then to look at ourselves.

In the Spirit of the Season here is an Aatisokaan told by Waasaagonashkang who grew up on Rainy River, Rainy Lake, and the Lake of the Woods told circa 1905. Nanabush Pretends to be a Woman.

Mii sa eni-izhi-maajaad babimosed. 

Mii sa ogii-debitawaa’ ikwewa’ manisenid; aaniish ogiimitawaa’: 

“Amanjigish ge-izhchige’ongobanen ji-wiidigemang a’aw inini?” ikidowa’.

“Ambe sa noo, wawiyazh ninga-doodawaag awegweniwigwenag,” gii-inendam Nenaboozhoo

Ogikenimaan ge-mawinid wegwisisinid.

Mii dash gaa-izhi-wawezhi’od gaa-izhi-ikwekaazod.

Mii dash adikoo’obiinisagosiin mii dash iniw gaa-aawechiged i’iw ikweng.

Gaa-izhinaagwo’od, gaa-izhi-naazikawaad i’iw ikwewa’, o’ow idash ogii-inaa’ apii gaa-odisaad:

“Aaniindi ayaad a’aw inini zhiingenimaad i’iw ikwewa’ gaa-inind?”

Mii dash gaa-igod: “Mii omaa naaw-oodena ayaad,” ogii-igoo’.

“Gagwaanisagizi, endogwen ji-inendang.”

“Daga shkomaa, awii-inik,” odinaa’; “Nin-bi-izhi-nisha’ogoo ni-niigi’igoog,’” odinaa’ iw ikwewa’.

Mii sa geget gaa-izhi-giiwed bezhig, gaa-izhi-wiindamawind wa’aw mindimooyenh wegosisid.

E-kidod a’aw ikwe mayaajii’aajimod: “Biiwide omaa ayaa.”

O’ow dash ikido: “Nimbi-izhinizha’ogoo ni-niigi’igoog,” ikido.

“Mii dash gaa-pi-izhi-maajinizha’od, ‘awi-dibaajimon,’ nindig.

Ni-zhaagwenim. ‘Daa-bi-izhaawag nindaangwayag.’(1)”

Mii dash e-kidod aw mindimooye(2): “Aaniin dash i’iw andawaabamaasiweg,(1)” odinaa’ i’iw odaanisa’.

Mii dash geget ba-izhi-nandawaabamaawaad igiw ikwewag, mii sa gaa-giiwewiijiiwaawaad igiw ikwewag. (1

Mii dash gaa-izhi’onoode’ind iwidi wendabinid iniw niniwan. (3)

Mii sa zhigwa gii-onaabemid. (1) (4)

Zhigwa owiishaamaa’ odaangweya’ ji-manisewaad(5).

Aaniish ajina go gii-mamadwe’igewan, aazha niibiwa misan.

“Awenen dash aw memindage ge-zhi-nshawisid?” odinaawaan, owiindamawaawaan ogiwaan.

“Geget sa gii-zhi-nshawisii a’aw nindaangwewaan.” (6)

Aaniish geget sa minwendam a’aw mindimooye, gaye a’aw akiwenzii gii-zhinshawisinid ona’aanganikwemiwaan.(7)

Mii dash gaa-izhi-ganoonaad waabizheshiwan:

“Ambe sa noo wiidookawishin o’ow ezhichigeyaan,” ogii-inaan.

Mii dash iniw gaa-oniijaanisid; o’ow idash ogii-inaan:

“Ambe sa noo, moozhag mawin,” ogii-inaan.

Mii dash geget gaa-izhichigenid, 

dakobinaad ezhichiged mii eta i’imaa shkiinzhigoning zagapinaad; dakobinaad bimoomaawizod.

Mii sa go pane mawinid.

“Wo’ow idash ikidon,” ogii-inaan.

“ ‘Dagwaagishoob niwii-amwaa,’ ikidon i’iw ji-mamawiyan,” ogii-inaan.

Mii dash geget enwed a’aw abinoojii.

“Dagwaagishoob niwii-amwaa!” inwed.

Zhayiigwa nisidotawaa.

Aaniish zhigwa zaagidoowan ozhinisan, aaniish ogimaawiwan; booch gii-zhichigenid i’iw anishinaabe ge-ikidod a’aw akiwenzii.

“Aaniish, anishinaabedog, e-kidod wa’aw noozhishenh, ‘dagwaagishoob niwii-amwaa,’” ikido.

Mii dash geget ge-bi-izhi-miinind Nenaboozhoo dagwaagishoobiin.

Bizaan apii gaa-onizhishininig maajid.

Mii dash waawiidigemaad iniw ininiwan, zhigwa ogikenimaan bigishkananinid iniw obiinisagosiin.

Mii dash gigizheb aazha namadabiwan ozhinisan gaye ozigosisan mii sa zhigwa gikenimaad bigishkanijijaakaamaad.

“Bisoo,” ikidowan ozhinisan.

“Wegonenda gaa-izhimaagwag?” ikidowan ozhinisan.

Geget mamiidaawendam; e-zhi-bazigwiid, aano-anishigaskabenid.

Ezhi-bangishimaad ozhinisan e-naasamabinid, ezhi-maajiibatood.

“Gegeti go ikwe inendamoog!” ikidowan Nenaboozhoowan.
And then away he started upon his journey, travelling afoot.

And so he came within the sound of some women who were gathering fire-wood; now he secretly overheard them saying: 

“(I) wonder how we can bring it to pass so that we can marry that man!” they said.

“Now, a trick I am going to play on them, whoever they are,” thought Nanabushu. 

He knew that the mother (of the man) would cry.

And so he got into gay attire after he had taken on the form of a woman. 

There was a caribou spleen which he turned into a woman’s thing. 

After he had taken on the form (of a woman), (and) after he had gone over to where the women were, this he then said to them when he came upon them: 

“Where is the man who is said to be a hater of women?” 

Whereupon he was told: “Here in the centre of the town he is,” he was told.

“He is hopelessly impossible, it is uncertain what his feeling would be (concerning you).”

“Then pray, do you go and give him a message,” he said to them; “I have been sent hither by my parents,” he said to the women.

And so truly, when back one (of them) went, then was the old woman who was mother (to the man) given the message.

Then said the woman who had conveyed the message: “A stranger is here.” 

And this she said: “I have been sent hither by my parents,” she said.

“And so when I was set upon my way hitherward, ‘Go give the news,’ I was told.

I was loath (to go). ‘Let my friends come hither.’ (said the woman(1)).”

Thereupon said the old woman(2): “Why do you not go look for her(1)?” she said to her daughters.

And so truly came the women seeking for her, whereupon back home the women went, taking her(1) with them.

And then a place was made for her there where the man(3) was seated.

Therefore she(1) now had a husband(4). 

By and by she wished her sisters-in-law to go with her to gather firewood(5). 

So in a little while after the sound of her chopping was heard, already (was there) much firewood.

“Who is she that is such a remarkable worker?” they said to their mother, they said to her, telling her about it. 

“Truly a good worker is our sister in law.” (6

Now, thoroughly pleased was the old woman, as was also the old man, that such a good worker was their daughter-in-law.(7)

And then she (Nanabushu) addressed the Marten, saying: 

“I wish you would help me in this that I am undertaking,” she said to it. 

And so that was the creature she had for child; and this she said to it: 

“Come, now, all the while do you cry,” she said to it. 
And that truly was what (the Marten) did. 

When she had it strapped to the cradle-board, her arrangement was such that she has it bound up as far as over the eyes; with it bound to the cradle-board, she played the nurse carrying it about on her back. 

And so all the while did (the Marten) weep.

“Now, this do you say,” she said to it.

“Some tenderloin do I wish to eat,’ do you say, so that you may cry,” she said to it.

And that truly was what the infant cried. 

“Some tenderloin do I want to eat!” it cried.

Presently they understood what it wanted. 

Now then out went her father-in-law to cry aloud, for he was chief; for of necessity were the people bound to do whatever the old man should say. 

“Now, O ye people! Thus says my grandchild, ‘Some tenderloin do I want to eat,’” he said.

And so truly was Nanabushu given some tenderloin.

It hushed while it was given something good to eat. 

And so while she (Nanabushu) continues living (as a wife) with the man, she then became aware that the spleen was decaying.

And so one morning, while her father-in-law and mother-in-law were seated, she then began to realize that she was becoming rotten between the loins.

“Phew!” said her father-in-law.

“What is that which smells so?” said her father-in-law.

Truly was she worried about it; when she rose to her feet, in vain she tried to keep it from falling.

When she dropped it in front of where her father-in-law was seated, then away she started running.

“Truly a real woman they thought!” said Nanabushu.

How CANADA has no valid Constitution; An Anishinaabe Legal Perspective


By: Kaikaikons, Atik Clan aka Johnny Hawk

The Link Here is JOHN HAWKE – Contistutional Challenge DEC 4   the Hard Copy of my ConstitutionalQuestion I brought forward to an Ontario Court on Dec 9th 2020 regarding to a 5 week Blockade I set up in 2019 on disputed lands (Ontario Awenda’s Provincial Park) and was removed on fabricated charges of uttering threats. Will Post a follow up Video of what happened at this trial and next steps.


History on Repeat: Summary of 1798 Penetanguishene Purchase

By: John Hawke

The 1798 Penetanguishene Purchase, Crown Treaty 5 is a complex issue where the lands it involves are fused with the 1815 Crown Treaty 16, the Lakes Simcoe and Lakes Huron Purchase. The 50,000 Acres allegedly ceded in regards to Crown Treaty 5, the Penetanguishene Purchase were consolidated and surrendered by the 1815 Crown Treaty 16 where 250,000 acres were ceded. This is how those 50,000 acres were unlawfully ceded. Slight of hand. This was the basis of a claim submitted by the Chippewa Tri Council (Beausoleil, Rama and Georgina Island First Nations) in 1986 and 1990 to Canada’s Specific Claims Branch but was rejected by Canada.

Map of The 1798 Penetanguishene Purchase
(Crown Treaty No. 5) was clearly not for 50,000 acres.

Elders and Leaderships who’ve passed on throughout the generations from Beausoleil First Nation along with descendants of Chief Aisance, a signatory of the 1798 Penetanguishene Harbour Purchase have always claimed the agreement was only for Penetanguishene Harbor.

On May 19th, 1795 representatives of the “Chippewa Nation” signed a provisional agreement at York; This document indicated that if they received goods worth 100 pounds in Quebec currency they would cede the lands “from the head of Opetiquawising to Nottowaysague Bay including the harbor of Penetanguishene. 1

“Keewaycamekeishcan: who used the Otter totem as his mark, meaning “He went in place of somebody.” This man likely signed the tentative agreement in the absence of one of the chiefs. 2

The Government took no immediate action to fulfill the terms of the provisional agreement. While no money or goods were given no attempt was made to take possession of the lands. Simcoe left the colony in July 1796 and in his absence Peter Russell became the Administer of the Province.

Band Members also speak on traditional hunting grounds south of Nottawasaga Bay in lands covered by the 1815 Lakes Simcoe-Huron Purchase, (Crown Treaty No. 16). 3 It is still of Chief Aisance family’s oral tradition that still holds that there were family hunting grounds within the area of today’s Thunder Beach. 4 The description of the ceded territory was vague.5 The maps accompanying the treaty demonstrated the extent to which the surveyors were unfamiliar with the area. 6

Francis Gore became Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada in 1806 and he believed that before the Penetanguishene Peninsula could be developed, the government would have to build a road leading to it from Lake Simcoe. He asserted that the government should purchase these lands in this vicintiy not only to open up a road but also to open it up for settlement. In June 1811 he sent Williams Claus, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs to negotiate yet another provisional agreement with the Ojibwes of Lake Simcoe and Matchedash Bay. This Treaty was seeking the Ojibwe to cede 250,000 acres of land situated between Kempentfelt Bay on Lake Simcoe and Penetangusihene Bay on Lake Huron. 7

At this meeting of this tentative agreement Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs William Claus told the Chiefs “I do not consider that we have a right to take possession of the land until the deed of conveyance shall; be executed and there is no objection to you occupying the garden grounds at Penetanguishene Bay. 8

Although the goods were sent from England the following summer, they were needed by the government for other purposes and therefore were not used to purchase the land. With the outbreak of war with the United States in 1812, the government believed it could no longer postpone creating a naval base in the area. Claus assured the Chiefs that although the government had sent troops “to open roads and form an establishment on Lake Huron,” it recognized that “all the Lands north of Lake Simcoe” were “still the property of the Indians.” 9

In November 1814 a military road was finished stretching from Kempenfelt Bay on Lake Simcoe to Penetanguishene, and in 1815 a blockhouse was built at that harbor. 10 After the war ended the government redirected its attention to obtaining a cession of lands north of Lake Simcoe. In November 1815, “Kinaybicoinini, Alsace and Musquckey, the principal Chiefs of the Chippewa Nation of Indians” signed a treaty agreeing to cede 250,000 acres which was the final ratification of the provisional agreement in June 1811 11, The Lakes simcoe- Lake Huron Purchase, Crown Treaty No. 16

Map of 1815 Lakes Simcoe-Huron Purchase,
(Crown Treaty 16) 250,000 Acres Surrendered

This Treaty however did not contain no reference to the blacksmith which these chiefs had requested in 1811; no mention was made of the promise Claus had made in that year that they could continue to use their lands in and around Penetanguishene. 12

These bands also acted together in September 1850 when W.B Robinson, chosen by the executive Council to negotiate the cession to the crown of the lands on the north shores of Lakes Superior and Huron, 13 did not include them in the negotiating or signing of a treaty concerning bordering on Lake Huron. Chiefs Assance, Snake and Yellowhead met with Robinson one week after the Robinson Treaty had been signed and they asserted that a tract of land on lake Huron between Penetanguishene and the Severn River belonged to them and had never been ceded to the Crown. Robinson later recorded: “Should it appear that these Chiefs have any claim I think I could get their surrender of it for a small amount.” 14

1798 Treaty 5, Penetanguishene (50,000 acres) is larger on official Maps of Ontario Treaties then what was surveyed in the 1795/98 Provisional Agreement and Treaty Maps
The total Population of the people currently living in the 1798 and 1815 preConfederation Crown Treaty 5 and 16 area is 86,921. The Townships are; Tiny, Tay, the Town of Midland, the Town of Penetanguishene 8,962, Springwater Township and Oro-Medonte Township.

The 2018 Williams Treaties Settlement Agreement attempted to resolve such injustices in the 1923 Williams Treaty where harvesting rights were unlawfully surrendered and where there was no proper compensation for the surrender of northern hunting grounds (13 Million Acres separate from the lands in the pre-confederation treaties) The inclusion of the complex issues of these Pre-Confederation Treaties should’ve remained as separate claims as this settlement agreement consolidated such issues with the intent to extinguish the Indigenous Title to such lands for Canada’s benefit.

The 2018 Williams Treaties Settlement Agreement was a repeat of history of the 1798 Penetanguishene Purchase Treaties and 1923 Williams Treaty. The 1923 Williams Treaty and 2018 Settlement Agreement is not a Treaty as there are no annuities for traditional territories being occupied, no rights to education and health care exemplified in the numbered treaties Canada has with other First Nations and provision to remove Canada’s assumption of jurisdiction imposed by the 1867 BNA Act and 1982 Constitution Act.


Queen Anne’s Order in Council an Imperial Statute (Constitutional Law) 1704, 1740, 1773 as a result of Mohegan vs Connecticut recognizes the Sovereignty of the Indigenous Nations of North America whereas any disputes between Settler Governments and the Indigneous are to be settled in an impartial third party court which was created and never disbanded. The Royal Proclamation 1763 a constitutional document of Canada recognizes the “several Nations or Tribes of Indians, with whom We are connected”. 15 in which was integrated with the 1764 Niagara Covenant Chain Belt Treaty that recognizes the Sovereignty and Jurisdiction of the Crowns Indigenous Allies. This rule of law exemplifies that Clan Territories of a Tribe and Nation where Indigenous Title can not be extinguished by the Indian Act Elected Band Council’s which are entities created by Canada. First Nations Band Councils are not a Clan, Tribe or Nation and have no lawful authority to represent our peoples and lands.

In a supreme court ruling in the Nowegijick case it states that “treaties and statutes dealing with Indians should be given a fair, large and liberal construction and doubtful expressions resolved in favour of the Indians, in the sense in which they would be naturally understood by the Indians.”16

The Ojibway may not have fully understood that the cessions meant the full surrender of all lands and rights. According to Donald B. Smith in his research in his book The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: a Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada shares “they had no concept of such a surrender, and they were assured that they could ‘encamp and fish where they pleased.” 17

There is debate as to whether our ancestor signatories understood the full meaning of the Upper Canada Land Surrender treaties. Robert Surtees postulated that those who agreed to sell their lands to the Crown during the late eighteenth century did not understand that the treaties represented the complete abandonment of their rights over the lands in question18

The terms and language found in the texts must be tempered by a close examination of what the parties understood them to mean, of the historical context of the period, and of the intent of the agreements. Specifically, the issue of “hunting” or “hunting grounds” is one of considerable interest. Throughout this period, Aboriginal lands were constantly described as “hunting grounds” in official documents and correspondence of the Indian Department.

In light of this usage, did British colonial officials make any distinction between the “hunting grounds” and Aboriginal title in their policies and their practices of treaty-making?

  1. Indian Treaties and Surrenders: From 1680 to 1890 Vol. I pg. 16-17
  2. A History of Christian Island and the Beausoleil Band, University of Western Ontario, (1990) Volume III pg. 22 (Interview with Doris Fisher, April 1989)
  3. A History of Christian Island and the Beausoleil Band, London On: Department of History, University of Western Ontario, 1990, Volume III Pg. 5 Interview with Merle Assance Beadie, April 1989; descendant of Chief Aisance signatory of Penetang Purchase
  4. Ibid.
  5. Ibid.
  6. A History of Christian Island and the Beausoleil Band, London On: Department of History, University of Western Ontario, 1990, Volume III Pg. 26
  7. NAC, R.G 10, Vol 4, Indian Affairs , Lieutenant -Governors Office, Upper Canada, Correspondence, 1815-1816, Francis Gore to Elisha Beamen and Henry Procter, 14 November 1815, p.1802, See also Robert J. Surtees, “Indian Land Cessions in Ontario, 1763-1863: The “Evolution of a System” (Ph.D thesis, Carleton University, 1983), pp.175-177. Each of these works deals with the controversial “purchase” made during the 1780’s
  8. Proceedings of a Meeting with the Chippewa Indians of Matchedash and Lake Simcoe at Gwillembury, 8-9 June 1811, C.O.42,351, P.132 (mfm. Ontario Archives)
  9. NAC, R.G.10,vOL.4, Indian Affairs, Lieutenant-Governor’s Office, Upper Canada, Correspondence, 1809-1814, William Claus to Edward Macmahon, 29 December 1814, pp. 1624-1625
  10. Stanley, Atlas of Great Lakes Indian History, p.289
  11. Indian Treaties and Surrenders: From 1680 to 1890, pp. 42-45
  12. Indian Treaties and Surrenders: From 1680 to 1890 pp. 44-45, p.176 and p. 177. For further discussion of the background to and significance of this treaty see Johnson, pp. 367-374
  13. See Julia Jarvis, “William Benjamin Robinson,” in The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. X, 1871-1880 (University of Toronto Press, 1972), PP. 622-625
  14. W.B. Robinson to Colonel Bruce, 24 September 1850, reprinted in Alexander Morris, The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, including the Negotiations on which they were based, and other information relating thereto. ( Toronto: Belfords, Clarke. 1880_, Facsimile edition reprinted by Coles Publishing Company, Toronto, 1979, p. 20
  15. 1763 Royal Proclamation
  16. Nowegijick v. The Queen, [1983] 1 S.C.R. 29.
  17. Donald B. Smith. “The Dispossession of the Mississauga Indians: a Missing Chapter in the Early History of Upper Canada,” in Ontario History, vol. 73, no. 2, June 1981, p. 71
  18. Surtees, op cit, p. 23

Land Defender gets Ethics Watchdog’s ear over concern of Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister



The Federal Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations, Carolyn Bennett may soon be facing an investigation by Canada’s Ethics Commissioner regarding a 2018 Williams Treaties Settlement Agreement between Canada, the Province of Ontario and seven First Nations in southern Ontario.

John Hawke a community member of Chimnissing Anishinabek (Beausoleil First Nation) located 175 km north of Toronto says he’s been in contact with the Office of the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner of Canada over a concern involving the Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister as well as former Federal Finance Minister Bill Morneau.

“They each have property within a 50,000 acre tract of land of our traditional territory where the Indigenous Title was extinguished in a 2018 Settlement Agreement. It is integral to know if they declared a conflict of interest in cabinet before their government signed off on this agreement” Explains Hawke

The Chippewa Tri Council (Beausoleil, Rama and Georgina Island First Nations) allege that a 50,000 acre tract in Simcoe County was not included in the Penetanguishene Treaty of 1798 and remained in title to the band however this tract was allegedly taken without consent by a 1811 provisional agreement. The matter was a submitted as a claim by the Chippewa Tri Council in 1986 and 1990 which Canada rejected and was recently included in with the 2018 Williams Treaties Settlement Agreement. Hawke feels this needed to be a stand alone claim.

“ Injustices in the Pre-confederation treaties such as the 1798 Penetang Purchase where these grievances have been amalgamated with the separate issue of our northern hunting grounds and harvesting rights have allowed Canada again to provide a flawed agreement with unfair compensation where Indigenous Title is never to be extinguished.” explains Hawke.

The 2018 Williams Treaties Settlement Agreement attempted to resolve injustices created by the 1923 Williams Treaties where the Crown breached it fiduciary responsibilities. The 1923 Williams Treaties unilaterally extinguished the First Nations Harvesting Rights within seven First Nation’s Traditional Territory and did not provide proper compensation and reserve lands for the surrender of their northern hunting grounds.

The Conflict of Interest Act provides in section 44 that only a Member of the Senate or House of Commons may request, in certain circumstances, that the Commissioner examines a matter.  Section 45 of the Act however provides that the Commissioner may examine a matter on his own initiative if he has reason to believe that a public office holder has contravened the Act.
Hawke failed to get any responses from MP’s in his attempt to raise this concern but has raised interest of the Ethics Commissioner in an email of inquiry he sent.

A Special Advisor to the Commissioner, Phillipe Joly has been corresponding with Hawke who informed Hawke that Commissioner Dion asked him to take a look at his request to see if he could have reason to believe that a contravention has occurred. Hawke has provided preliminary information for their review.

Hawke also gives warning to other Indigenous Communities such has Six Nations of the Grand River where Minister Carolyn Bennett has agreed to sit down and discuss the historical claims and land right issues of Six Nations as a result of a month long occupation of a housing development by Six Nations land defenders.

“ I caution and encourage all communities to make noise by questioning the Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister on this matter.” Explains Hawke.

Hawke also feels that the First Nations Elected Councils are also under a conflict of interest when making agreements on behalf of an Indigenous Nation, Tribe and Clans as the Elected Councils are entities under the jurisdiction of Canada’s Indian Act.

The Williams Treaties First Nations include Alderville First Nation, Chippewas of Beausoleil First Nation, Chippewas of Georgina Island First Nation, Chippewas of Rama First Nation, Curve Lake First Nation, Hiawatha First Nation and Mississaugas of Scugog Island First Nation.

For more Information Contact:

Anishinabek Coalition To Invoke our Nation, Communications Dept

John Hawke @ 705 247 2120 or

Anishinabek Police Service surveillance of communities and individuals engaged in land rights activism

By: Kaikaikons

Anishinaabek have our own forms of policing however like most of our own institutions this role in our communities has become compromised to benefit only the settler government. From the imposition of an Indian Agent and Indian Act Band Council that enforced restrictions over us to those who believe they are creating change by working in the colonial system are only helping to perpetuate the subjection of our rights and freedoms and criminalization of our People under Canada’s assumed jurisdiction.

Above: Partnership between AFN and RCMP. In a Feb 2013 article by the Toronto Star documents acquired through access to information requests, reveal that heads of the RCMP and Ontario and Quebec police met in the summer of 2007 for the “first time in history” with then AFN national chief Phil Fontaine to “facilitate a consistent and effective approach to managing Aboriginal protests and occupations.”

The RCMP’s heightened collaboration with the AFN coincided with the start of a sweeping federal program of surveillance of aboriginal communities and individuals engaged in land rights activism that continues today.

It is well documented by the mainstream media how the RCMP, CSIS, National Defense (Military) and Police Agencies have been spying on Indigenous People’s standing up for their rights and lands where these partnerships have even recruited what is now called the department of Indigenous and Northern Affairs of Canada as well as the Assembly of First Nations.

Documents such as Project SITKA obtained through Freedom of Information and shared by the mainstream media in the past decade shows how Canada spies and develops plan’s on how to combat such Indigenous Protests with the help of Police Agencies where such Indigenous Peoples and communities are put in the same category by such agencies and labelled as domestic terrorists. This is type of activity and labeling creates an prejudice environment which contradicts why Canada’s First Nations Policing Policy in the early 1990’s was established in the first place.

The negative relations between non-Indigenous Police and Indigenous Peoples across Canada along with such actions such as the so called Oka Crisis in 1990 and reports like the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples stressed the need of First Nations to establish their own Police Force. The increasing political pressure to do something about Aboriginal policing led to the introduction of the First Nations Policing Policy in June 1991 by the federal government, after extensive consultation with the provinces, territories and First Nations across Canada.

The RCMP’s project SITKA which can be read by clicking the link below is one such document created on how to categorize, and profile Indigenous Peoples organizing to defend their rights and homelands.

First Nations Policing in Ontario

On March 30, 1992, a five year Ontario First Nations Policing Agreement was signed by Grand Council Treaty #3, Nishnawbe-Aski Nation, A.I.A.I., Anishinabek Nation, Six Nations and the Provincial and Federal Government. In 1994, Garden River, Curve Lake, Sagamok and Saugeen First Nations were the original communities to form the Anishinabek Police Service. At this time it was also decided that Garden River would be home to Headquarters because geographically it is situated in the center of the province.

Above: APS LOGO. Anishinabek Police Service enforces Canada’s and Ontario’s Laws and not Anishinabe Laws nor help to defend Anishinabek when Canada breaks its own laws in relations to Indigenous Rights.

In 1996, a three year agreement was endorsed to include 13 more First Nations. In I997, two more First Nations joined the Police Service, bringing the total to 19 First Nations, spread over the province of Ontario. The Police Service has had many changes to the makeup of the member communities and currently sits at 16 member communities.

With the killing of Dudley George in 1995 an unarmed Anishinaabe Land Defender in Ontario there was again more political pressure on Police on how to respectfully engage in Policing Indigenous Peoples specifically at so called protests which was being advocated for by Indigenous and Non-Indigenous Peoples. In response in part to the Ipperwash Inquiry, special programs have been introduced, such as the OPP’s ART (Aboriginal Relations Team), MELT (Major Events Liaison Team). They were to operate within a Framework that emphasizes flexibility, relationship building, dialogue, knowledge and awareness of Aboriginal perspectives and culture, and the use of force only as necessary and as carefully measured

The Ontario Provincial Police also have a Framework for Police Preparedness for Aboriginal Critical Incidents

The OPP ART and MELT are now amalgamated and now the OPP’s Emergency Response Team.

Anishinabek Police Service spying for Canada?

In February to Mid March 2020, solidarity actions across Canada sprung up in support of the Wet’suwe’ten Nation’s battle to oppose a pipeline running though its territory. Nation wide roadblocks and actions from Indigenous and Settler communities started to catch momentum where Canada’s economy began to be disrupted by a railway blockade in Tyendinaga, Mohawk Territory in southern Ontario which played a key role in solidarity actions.

During this time the Anishinabek Police Service were attempting to gain information on potential threats that were in solidarity with the Wet’suwe’ten and Tyendinaga. Land Defenders and Anishinabe activists from Anishinabek communities in Ontario were approached by the Anishinabek Police Service.

“ I was asked to come to the APS station in my community as they wanted to ask me questions. I went up as I thought it was regarding my recent mischief charge for protesting against council.” Says Land Defender John Hawke of Chimnissing Anishinabek Territory (Beausoleil First Nation.)

The RCMP launched Project Sitka to get a handle on Indigenous rights-related demonstrations . The RCMP wanted to identify specific activists who had been arrested, arrested and charged and convicted, create profiles and links to organizations across the country. After probing more than 300 activists, the RCMP came up with a list of 89 at the end of the intelligence project.

“ This Detective introduced himself as Will Shawnoo from the Major Crimes Unit with APS and said he wanted to know what I thought about the political actions currently going on across Canada in regards to pipelines. I asked him if its just me he came to see and why. He said my name is known out there as someone who organizes protest related activities. So I told him to watch the news as there is lots of info on there and I walked out.” Says Hawke who further explained the APS Detective drove 7 hours from London for what was a 20 second interaction.

“ I feel like this was harassment and I was being profiled by APS and that they’re being used by Canada to spy on our people in our communities who stand up for our rights and land where this demonstrates a loss of trust by these First Nations police officers and their organization.” Says Hawke

Hawke wasn’t the only “activist” to be approached by where Karen Bell of Garden River First Nation and Central Region Investigator for APS communicated with a community member who wished to remain anonymous but made a recording on his cellphone of his encounter.

“She came into the dispensary looking for me yesterday afternoon, saying she wanted to have a talk about a protest and solidarity actions going on, then called me on my cell a couple hours later. I went in to see her and recorded it. I didn’t say anything but let her do the talking. It was bullshit” says a First Nation community member in APS’s Central Region.

The Anishinabek Police Service – Major Crime – Investigative Support Unit provides assistance to the Detachments and its Members with investigations and will take a lead on the more serious criminal investigations. The unit is comprised of a supervisor, three detective constables, and two external secondments and domestic violence coordinator. The unit is been responsible to take the lead of major investigations, provide investigative support to detachments, prepare/assist with search warrants and production orders, create intelligence reports, conduct drug education and enforcement, support Professional Standards with investigations and ensuring all domestic violence cases Criminal and Non-Criminal are reviewed..

This is not the first time when Anishinabek Police Services relations with the communities it serves comes into question. The APS have conducted raids to shut down what they claim are illegal Cannabis dispensaries in Garden River First Nation and Wahnipitae First Nation in 2019.

In an article by Dispensing Freedom Sept 2019, (Anishinabek Police Services raid Wahnapitae cannabis dispensaries in violation of Indigenous laws; Stores vow to re-open) APS Police Chief Marc Lesage stated the APS did not receive a request from Chief and Council of Wahnapitae First Nation to conduct the raids, but acted on their own behalf to unilaterally enforce the Federal Cannabis Act on Indigenous lands.

Police Chief Lesage further indicated that he was unaware of the decision made by the Chiefs of Ontario in June of 2019 to assert “complete jurisdiction” to govern all cannabis operations within First Nation territories. Lesage also stated in a phone interview that he did not know that the members of Wahnapitae First Nation voted in a referendum on June 29th 2019 to legalize sales of cannabis in their territory, and that he did not know that Chief and Council had passed an interim cannabis bylaw to regulate the industry on reserve. 

Anishinabek Police Service and OPP raid a Cannabis Dispensary
in Wahnipitae First Nation in 2019 as part of the PJFCET. Photo
courtesy of

On the APS’s literature found on their website they declare, “Although marihuana is legal, all dispensaries have to be licensed.”

Community members along with leadership feel outside laws have no business in regulate their aboriginal right to trade.

The APS is part of Ontario’s Provincial Joint Forces Cannabis Enforcement Team – PJFCET Where their literature claims these efforts are to dismantle illegal cannabis trafficking which is supported by organized crime. The APS developed a relationship with the Ontario Provincial Police who are currently managing Provincial Joint Forces Cannabis Enforce-ment Teams (PJFCET) which is comprised of a number of Police Services from Southern Ontario.

Community members feel that APS enforcing outside laws and enforcing the PJFCET they are further helping to criminalize community members who are asserting their aboriginal rights to trade which was the focus of a rally on June 21, 2020 National Indigneous Peoples Day in Batchewana and Garden River First Nations.

Above: Former National Chief of National Indian Brotherhood now AFN Del Riley and author of Sec 25/35 in Canada’s Constitution Act explains at a Rally the Aboriginal Right for First Nations to erect Cannabis Industry without Provincial Interference. OPP Indigenous liaison officer and APS Constable left and right in ball caps.

Community members, Indigenous Dispensary Owners and Supporters along with Del Riley former National Chief of the National Indian Brotherhood now AFN rallied outside APS Police Stations to make their voices heard.

When Riley does visit and consult with First Nation dispensary owners, he issues them ‘constitutional certificates,’ indicating that cannabis dispensaries are protected under Section 25 and Section 35 of the Constitution Act, which he says upholds the right to participate in the cannabis industry through the government’s own recognition and affirmation of existing aboriginal and treaty rights. 

These are not the only questionable actions of the Anishinabek Police Service, in April 2019 CTV and CBC reported on the Heads of the Police Force who were suspended. Police Chief John Syrette and Deputy Police Chief Dave Whitlow were suspended with pay in February 2019. According to a statement released by APS board chair Jeffrey Jacobs, the suspensions were issued “following complaints regarding the conduct of certain members of the senior command.” The statement did not specify the nature of the allegations, but said the board had hired an external investigator after receiving the complaints.

The union representing Anishinabek police officers also refused to comment, as did the leaders of some of the 16 communities the police force protects. When it comes to discipline for the chief and deputy chief, the process is different than the one governing police officers in Ontario, who appear before a provincial tribunal. Instead, these officers will answer to a committee of the Anishinabek police authority.

One of the most historical infamous issues between Reserve Constables in a Police Force under the jurisdiction of Settler Government happened on December 15, 1890 on the Standing Rock Reserve. Fourty Indian Agency Policemen were given instructions to bring Tantanka Iyotanka (Sitting Bull) into custody by the Indian Agent where these Indian Reserve Constables killed Sitting Bull and seven of his friends and family. It is evident today who Indigenous Police really serve and protect.

Extinguishment of Territory: 2018 Williams Treaties Settlement Agreement

(Information shared in this Article specific to the agreement can be found on the Government of Canada’s Websites)

An Anishinabe Blockade of Ontario’s Awenda Provincial Park’s main entrance erected on June 21, 2019 for 5 Weeks in opposition of Extinguishment of Indigenous Title to 13 Million Acres

A 2018 Settlement Agreement between the Williams Treaties First Nations, Canada and the Province of Ontario to resolve issues surrounding the 1923 Williams Treaties is a repeat of history where Ontario has already breached this Agreement says a Land Defender.

John Hawke, a Beausoleil First Nation member erected a blockade on June 21, 2019 for five weeks of Ontario’s Awenda Provincial Park situated on land involved in the settlement to raise awareness of what he feels is a continuation of injustice. Hawke also claims there is a potential conflict of interest by two Federal Ministers who have property on the Indigenous lands that were surrendered in this agreement.

“ A group of us set up a cultural camp and built a cabin in Awenda Provincial Park in 2012 to oppose these kinds of agreements. The 2019 blockade of the Park was a heightened action in response to continued extinguishment of our underlying title of our traditional territory.” Explains Hawke.

Hawke feels the Agreement to compensate for grievances surrounding the 1923 Williams Treaties replicates the same injustices it attempts to resolve.

“Canada breached its fiduciary responsibility to work in our best interest on behalf of the Crown and continues to do so in these biased settlement agreements.” explains Hawke who feels a more fair process should be pursued when dealing with such land disputes.

“ An Imperial Statute in 1704 and reaffirmed in 1773 as a result of Mohegan vs Connecticut established a special impartial court for Indigenous Nations and Settler Governments to settle land disputes.” Explains Hawke.
The Williams Treaties First Nations include Alderville First Nation, Chippewas of Beausoleil First Nation, Chippewas of Georgina Island First Nation, Chippewas of Rama First Nation, Curve Lake First Nation, Hiawatha First Nation and Mississaugas of Scugog Island First Nation.

HISTORY OF THE 1923 WILLIAMS TREATIESRobinson___Williams_treaties_map

Between 1764 and 1850 the British started to make what is referred to as pre-Confederation Treaties in Upper Canada with the Anishinaabe in order to occupy their lands for military use.

The ancestors of the Williams Treaties First Nations entered into these pre-Confederation Treaties (the Collins Treaty of 1785, the Crawford Purchase of 1784, the Gunshot Treaty of 1787-88, the Penetanguishene Treaty No.5 of 1795, Treaty No. 16 of 1815, Treaty No.17 of 1816, Treaty No. 18 – Nottawasaga Treaty of 1818, Treaty No. 20 – Rice Lake Treaty of 1818, Treaty 27-27 1/4 of 1822).

In these Treaties, Anishinabe Hereditary Clan Leaderships reserved their harvesting rights over the lands surrendered where as early as 1847 they started to petition the Crown about encroachment on their pre-Confederation Treaty harvesting areas and onto their northern hunting territories which had not been surrendered.

Map of Williams Treaties lands, 12,944,400 Acres

In entering into the 1923 Williams Treaties these communities expected to protect their pre-Confederation Treaty harvesting rights and to receive compensation for their northern hunting territories. In contrast, the Crown interpreted the Williams Treaties as taking not only a surrender of all lands that were held in aboriginal title by the seven First Nations but also taking a surrender of all other rights in pre-Confederation treaties. As a result these First Nation’s were the only Indigenous peoples in Canada to be denied rights to harvesting (hunting, fishing, trapping and gathering).

In the 1980’s research led to the conclusion that the Williams Treaties did not take away all rights. It also led to conclude the Government of Canada, required to act in the best interest of these First Nations as a result of section 91 (24) of the British North America Act 1867 and did not properly compensate the First Nations for rights and land they claimed were taken as a result of the 1923 Williams Treaties.

In 1992, the First Nations filed a suit in the Federal Court. In 1993, Ontario agreed to negotiate and in 1994, Canada agreed to negotiate. In 2000 negotiations ceased because the Crown brought no mandate to the table allowing for negotiations on constitutionally recognized and protected harvesting rights. In 2008, negotiations restarted but again the Crown brought no mandate to negotiate the matter of harvesting right so the First Nations chose to go back to court. In 2009, court proceedings began. In 2016 negotiations resumed and in February 2017, a Negotiations Framework Agreement was established to settle out of court. The negotiated settlement was approved by First Nation members in June 2018 and signed by the seven First Nations in July 2018 and by Ontario and Canada in August 2018.


The Indigenous Title to 13 Million acres; a total of 12,944,400 Acres except for Harvesting Rights on to those lands have been extinguished by the Williams Treaties First Nations. The Settlement included an apology from Canada and Ontario, a total of $1.11 billion in compensation for pre-existing treaty harvesting rights; allowing the purchase of up to 11,000 acres for each First Nation (a willing-seller/willing-buyer basis) and applying to Canada to have the land added to their reserve land base. The agreement declared also to work towards fully implementing the settlement, renew ongoing treaty relationship and to foster reconciliation and understanding.


Some Community Members feel the Agreement is a continuation of the same injustices implemented on their ancestors and that only certain voices from the community throughout the trial and negotiations were heard.

“ Our harvesting rights are inherit which stems from our underlying title to our Territory which is inseperatable and can never be extinguished on behalf of our future generations. Canada created the poverty and third world conditions that exist in our communities and monopolizes on that in these settlement offers.” Says Hawke.

The designation of lands within the agreement is also a concern.

“We shouldn’t have to purchase our own lands back with our compensation that comes from revenue created off of misappropriated Indigenous Lands that allows Canada to exist. There is available unoccupied Provincial and National Parks that can be transferred back to our Nation.”

“ Applying to Canada to designate any purchased lands as Reserve is further extinguishment as Reserve Lands fall under the Indian Act and belong to the Crown.” Hawke further claims.

Although a substantial one time payment to the seven First Nations was given Hawke feels the agreement is not reflective of the true spirit of Treaty.

“This is not a Treaty and the Agreement is only a real estate transaction. A Treaty needs to guarantee annuities, access to health and education in exchange for occupying our Territory. This agreement doesn’t even include an impact benefit and resource revenue sharing agreement of our Territory.” Explains Hawke.

Hawke’s grievances also echo the voices in other Indigenous Communities which recently was heard and seen within the Wet’suewe’ten this past February and currently at Six Nations of the Grand River where grassroots and Hereditary Leaderships oppose such agreements made by the Indian Act Elected Councils.

“ The Indian Act Band Councils are a creation of Canada and under its jurisdiction and are not the lawful representatives of our Clans, Tribe and Nation where a major conflict of interest exists when they assume jurisdiction to make such agreements regarding our Territories. The 1923 Williams Treaty and this Agreement made with Indian Act Councils are unlawful. ” explains Hawke.

The 1867 British North America Act unilaterally gave the Government of Canada jurisdiction of the new legal definition of “Indians” under it’s Indian Act which also implemented an Elected System and outlawed Tribal Clan Governing Systems. This was done in breach of the Nation to Nation 1764 Niagara Covenant Chain Belt Treaty and the Royal Proclamation.

Although Canada’s Self Government Agreements addresess Hawke’s concerns about specific issues in this Treaty and Agreement he shares a growing concerns along with Indigenous Communities with Self Governments Agreements such as the First Nations Lands Management Act that many communities have ratified.

” There is not enough lands to become Self Sustainable that this Agreements allows. The Self Government Agreements also are not Treaties but are an attempt to to get out of the Indian Act to eventually create us as a fourth level government under the jurisdiction of the Province. We’ve given up title to our massive Territory for a one time payment and these Self Government agreements do not guarantee secured funding for Education, Health and Land Management where we will be forced to become Municipalities where the Federal Government is trying to get out of its Fiduciary Responsibility by these Self Government Agreements” says Hawke.


Hawke also raises a concern regarding a potential conflict of interest regarding two Federal Liberal Ministers who have property on lands surrendered in this agreement. The Federal Finance Minister Bill Morneau and Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett both have property in Tiny Township land that falls within 50,000 acres of the 1798 preConfederation Treaty number 5.

Screen Shot 2020-08-17 at 1.48.28 PM
Above: Indigenous-Crown Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett paddles in Georgian Bay in front of her Thunder Beach Cottage where she is the neighbor of Finance Minister Bill Morneau


“It is integral to know if they declared a conflict of interest in cabinet before their government agreed to this settlement” Explains Hawke.

If Minister Bennett and Finance Minister Bill Morneau did not declare a conflict of interest in cabinet before government approval of the William’s Treaty settlement, they are guilty of an offence under Ethics and this should be investigated by the RCMP

Hawke feels this 1798 preConfederation Treaty should’ve been handled as a stand alone claim and not swept in with this Settlement which is one factor to his actions taken in Ontario’s Awenda Provincial Park.

“ In this 2018 Agreement a total of 11,000 acres can be purchased back by the seven First Nations yet the 1798 Penetang Harbour Purchase was 55,000 acres of one collective community which was wrongfully surrendered and was submitted as a claim by the Chippewa Tri Council in 1986 and 1990 but rejected by Canada.” Explains Hawke.104475794_10158461372744938_1722501222415233245_o

Screen Shot 2019-11-29 at 8.39.57 PM
Above: 1798 Penetang Purchase was only for the Penetang Harbor. The area in Blue is what was surrendered. Minister’s Morneau and Bennett’s Property is within this area in Thunder Beach










Hawke erected a blockade to the entrance to the Provincial Park for 5 weeks which ended by his arrest for allegedly uttering threats to the Park Warden which he says was fabricated to get him out of the park in which OPP took him into custody.

Hawke was taken into custody for almost 30 hours and released on bail. While in custody Park Staff cleared the blockade along with dismantling the cultural camp and cabin that was up for 7 years in a separate forested area in the Park and wasn’t part of the blockade.

Oshkimaadizig Cultural Camp was set up in 2012 by community members of Beausoleil First Nation in Awenda Provincial Park where the Camp and Cabin was never removed by Ontario until 2019.

“By the Park taking down the cabin and the OPP putting conditions on me not to return to the Park the Province of Ontario has already breached this 2018 Agreement which infringes on our reinstated Harvesting Rights and the promise to foster reconciliation and understanding as declared in the Agreement.” Says Hawke

Hawke further explains that erecting Cabins on Crown lands coincides with Indigenous Harvesting Rights as affirmed in R v Sundown a Supreme Court decision.

Hawke is not addressing the charge of uttering threats, claimed by the Park Warden but has filed a Constitutional Challenge questioning the assumption of jurisdiction of an Ontario Court over Indigenous Peoples and questioning the validity of Canada’s Constitution. Hawke strongly feels questioning Canada’s outstanding constitutional issues and its validity is a fundamental issue that also needed to be raised in this Williams Treaties fight. Hawke and many others throughout Indigenous Communities are criminalized for asserting their Sovereignty, addressing such injustices trying to hold Canada and its Provinces to the Rule of Law.

Screen Shot 2020-08-17 at 1.55.06 PMHis date for his Constitutional Challenge is in mid December 2020. He also is attempting to find support and raise awareness how Ontario has already breached this agreement by taking the Cabin in the Park down.

For More Information Contact

Johnny Hawke @ or   705 247 2120


Shuck and Jiving, Duck and Diving

Shuck n Jiving, Duck n Diving: We need decolonize from Internalized Racism first or we just fooling ourselves where majority of our own are Mascots, Puppet Role Models, Lapdogs, House Negro’s, Tonto’s and Hang-Around-the-Forts helping to employ capitalism which is racism’s conjoined twin; where societies institutions are all based on this and intended to only serve and protect those with capital. Capital is accumulated by theft of labor “slavery” and theft of land.

Even our Movements can be used against us. Hip-hop born out of self empowerment of the Black Community is now a tool to keep masses programmed to a culture of violence, drugs, alcohol, misogyny and materialism; values of the Slave Master who owns the Entertainment Industry. The rich and famous all seeing “eyeCons” pay a price to play and remain silient when they see shit in that world just as BIPOC cops are in the blue fraternity “the force” and keep silent when they see their brothers do some whack racist shit.

The Lone Ranger chooses a Tonto where the NGO Industrial Complex and White “Ally’s” will support certain individuals or a community where their white privilege determines which of our “issues”, “camps” becomes a focal point of our movement. This takes away from our evolution of our decolonization and concentrates us on one issue keeping us as a Pan Indian Movement that leaves us open for infiltration and being directed and manipulated by outside agenda’s. These factors also create the Celeb Activist or fAIM warrior that preaches sovereignty and that we need to be just as Warrior as they are yet we are not supported the way they are by NGO’s, Allies, FanCLubs and have to feed and shelter our family by participating in this racist, capitalist system.

At a time when Sundances and Ceremonies were made illegal our people were only permitted to dance for white people in Buffallo Bills Wild west Shows this is where Powwow originates from. Our Communities today are a Powwow Culture where we throw on superficial images, language over colonial institutions to be acceptable and tolerable for white society. The Aboriginal Industry of social workers, chief and councils, lawyers profit off of our misery that administer government programs and values of capitalism, promoting agreements that extinguish who we are and title to our lands for money that goes back to the oppressors economy. We have lots of work to do that starts by first tearing down internalized racism and its institutions in our own communities before we can even think of addressing the racism of our oppressor.